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Blog EntryBrilliant!: South Door DraftSep 26, '07 4:57 PM
for everyone
Military aspect of immigrant bill eyed

Foes say some grads may be forced to join
By Leslie Berestein
UNION-TRIBUNE STAFF WRITER

September 26, 2007

Legislation that could grant legal status to hundreds of thousands of undocumented high school graduates is creating a schism among Latino educators and others who have typically favored legalization efforts.

At issue is a component of the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors Act, or DREAM Act, a bill that could be voted on in the Senate by next week as an amendment to a Department of Defense authorization bill.

The proposed legislation, a version of which was first introduced in 2001, would make high school graduates who arrived in the United States illegally at 15 or younger and who have lived here at least five years, eligible for conditional legal status provided they attend two years of college or serve two years in the military. After six years, those who meet the conditions could obtain legal permanent resident status.

It is the military service component that has landed some Latino supporters of legalization measures on the same side of the proposal as the immigration restriction lobby, which decries the DREAM Act as amnesty.

Those uncomfortable with the military component see the measure as a devil's bargain: On one hand, it offers a shot at higher education and success to young people who might otherwise have to spend their lives in the shadows. On the other, they fear that those who can't afford college, or don't see it as a viable choice, might feel compelled to join the military not because they want to, but because they fear eventual deportation.

“This is very tricky, because undocumented students are desperate for some kind of legalization,” said Jorge Mariscal, director of the University of California San Diego's Chicano Studies program and a longtime critic of military recruiting within minority communities. “I'm completely conflicted.”

The DREAM Act has the support of mainstream Latino organizations, such as the National Council of La Raza and the League of United Latin American Citizens, who praise it as a life-changing opportunity for students.

It has also been promoted by other supporters, including sponsor Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., as a way to boost military recruiting at a time when the protracted Iraq war demands it. In a telephone news conference Monday, U.S. Army Reserve Lt. Col. Margaret Stock called the measure “germane to the Department of Defense.”

“This is a way to maintain an all-volunteer force, and keep that force supplied with very high-quality people,” said Stock, an associate professor at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point.

The U.S. Army fell short of its recruitment goals in June and July, said Paul Boyce, an Army spokesman, although he said goals were met in August. In fiscal year 2006, 12.6 percent of active Army recruits nationwide were Latino.

In San Diego, the nation's second-largest hub of military operations, there has been opposition to the bill from those who say that children of low-income immigrants already have a propensity to enlist in the military in exchange for the promise of a college education their parents can't afford, or because they simply can't envision college as an option.

College is an enlistment carrot for young U.S. citizens and legal residents, said Rick Jahnkow, coordinator of the Encinitas-based Project on Youth and Non-Military Opportunities, which promotes alternatives to enlistment for those seeking education and job training. Legal immigrants were given added incentive to enlist in 2002, when President Bush signed an executive order expediting U.S. citizenship for foreign-born active-duty military personnel.

Supporters of the DREAM Act say high school graduates who stand to benefit have a choice between college or the military. But with the only other option to remain undocumented, Jahnkow said, some who can't see going the college route might be motivated to enlist not so much by what they might gain, but by fear of what they stand to lose.

“You might be deported if you don't make a move to take advantage of this,” he said. “It's more of an incentive than the general economic one. It's the threat of possibly being deported, on top of that, which is going to result in a much higher enlistment rate . . . I think some will want to join the military, but I think more will essentially be coerced into it.”

In San Diego and Los Angeles, a group of politically involved teachers known as the Association of Raza Educators has come out against the proposal, citing the same concerns.

“There is the carrot, and there is also the stick behind it,” said Miguel Zavala, a part-time teaching instructor at Cal State Los Angeles. “They have their hands tied behind their backs. It's not like they can just choose.”

The military has served as a stick to other generations, but in much different contexts. During the Vietnam War, for example, the draft persuaded many young men to remain in college and retain a draft deferment.

Judges have also tried to coerce enlistment as an alternative to jail: Last year, a New York judge gave this choice to a 20-year-old man whom the Army ultimately rejected, citing regulations that prevent people with pending charges from enlisting.

In spite of its military component, Latino educators who support the DREAM Act believe that the pros of the measure far outweigh the cons.

“The DREAM Act would open so many doors for so many deserving students who do not have proper documentation,” said Carmen Garcia, principal of Roosevelt Middle School near Balboa Park. “It is a seed of hope that so many students have been waiting for, that so many parents have been waiting for.”

The military component is “an added nuance,” Garcia said, “but it opens the door to other possibilities.”

The Migration Policy Institute has estimated that 360,000 undocumented high school graduates would immediately be eligible for conditional legal status under the measure, and that about 50,000 of them are enrolled in U.S. colleges and universities.

Under the DREAM Act, college-bound students who receive conditional legal status could take advantage of federal student loans – though not grants – now unavailable to illegal immigrants. However, a provision that would have granted them in-state tuition fees was removed from the proposal.

Ten states, including California, allow in-state tuition for undocumented students, meaning that those opting for college in most states could still face financial hurdles
 
 
 
Find this article at:
http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/military/20070926-9999-1n26dream.html

Blog EntrySpit-Take 0' the Day: Misson UnaccomplishedNov 28, '06 2:24 PM
for everyone
11.28.2006

"There's one thing I'm not going to do, I'm not going to pull our troops off the battlefield before the mission is complete," he[President Bush] said in a speech setting the stage for high-stakes meetings with the Iraqi prime minister later this week.





FYI:
accomplish
Pronunciation: &-'käm-plish, -'k&m-
Function: transitive verb
Etymology: Middle English accomplisshen, from Anglo-French accompliss-, stem of accomplir, from Vulgar Latin *accomplEre, from Latin ad- + complEre to fill up -- more at COMPLETE
1 : to bring about (a result) by effort
2 : to bring to completion : FULFILL

Extra Armor Could Have Saved Many Lives, Study Shows

A secret Pentagon study has found that at least 80 percent of the marines who have been killed in Iraq from wounds to their upper body could have survived if they had extra body armor. That armor has been available since 2003 but until recently the Pentagon has largely declined to supply it to troops despite calls from the field for additional protection, according to military officials.

The ceramic plates in vests currently worn by the majority of military personnel in Iraq cover only some of the chest and back. In at least 74 of the 93 fatal wounds that were analyzed in the Pentagon study of marines from March 2003 through June 2005, bullets and shrapnel struck the marines' shoulders, sides or areas of the torso where the plates do not reach.

Thirty-one of the deadly wounds struck the chest or back so close to the plates that simply enlarging the existing shields "would have had the potential to alter the fatal outcome," according to the study, which was obtained by The New York Times.

For the first time, the study by the military's medical examiner shows the cost in lost lives from inadequate armor, even as the Pentagon continues to publicly defend its protection of the troops. Officials have said they are shipping the best armor to Iraq as quickly as possible. At the same time, they have maintained that it is impossible to shield forces from the increasingly powerful improvised explosive devices used by insurgents. Yet the Pentagon's own study reveals the equally lethal threat of bullets.

The vulnerability of the military's body armor has been known since the start of the war, and is part of a series of problems that have surrounded the protection of American troops. Still, the Marine Corps did not begin buying additional plates to cover the sides of their troops until this September, when it ordered 28,800 sets, Marine Corps officials acknowledge.

The Army, which has the largest force in Iraq, is still deciding what to purchase, according to Army procurement officials. They said the Army is deciding between various sizes of plates to give its 130,000 soldiers; the officials said they hope to issue contracts this month.

Additional forensic studies by the Armed Forces Medical Examiner's unit that were obtained by The Times indicate that about 340 American troops have died solely from torso wounds.

Military officials said they had originally decided against using the extra plates because they were concerned they added too much weight to the vests or constricted the movement of soldiers. Marine Corps officials said the findings of the Pentagon study caused field commanders to override those concerns in the interest of greater protection.

"As the information became more prevalent and aware to everybody that in fact these were casualty sites that they needed to be worried about, then people were much more willing to accept that weight on their body," said Major Wendell Leimbach, a body armor specialist with Marine Corps Systems Command, the marine procurement unit.

The Pentagon has been collecting the data on wounds since the beginning of the war in part to determine the effectiveness of body armor. The military's medical examiner, Craig T. Mallak, told a military panel in 2003 that the information "screams to be published." But it would take nearly two years.

The Marine Corps said it asked for the data in August 2004; but it needed to pay the medical examiner $107,000 to have the data analyzed. Marine officials said funding and other delays resulted in the work not starting until December 2004. It finally began receiving the information by June 2005. The shortfalls in bulletproof vests are just one of the armor problems the Pentagon continues to struggle with as the war in Iraq approaches the three-year mark, The Times has found in an ongoing examination of the military procurement system.

The production of a new armored truck called the Cougar, which military officials said has thus far withstood every insurgent attack, has fallen three months behind schedule. The small company making the truck has been beset by a host of production and legal problems.

Meanwhile, the Pentagon is still relying on another small factory in Ohio to armor all of the military's principal transport truck, the Humvee, and it remains backlogged with orders. The facility, owned by Armor Holdings, increased production in December after reports in The Times about delays drew criticism from Congress. But the Marine Corps said it is still waiting for about 2,000 of these vehicles to replace other Humvees in Iraq that are more lightly armored, and does not expect final delivery until June.

An initiative begun by the Pentagon nearly two years ago to speed up production by having additional firms armor new Humvees remains incomplete, Army officials said.

Body armor has gone through a succession of problems in Iraq. First, there were prolonged shortages of the plates that make the vests bulletproof. This year, the Pentagon began replacing the plates with a stronger model that is more resistant to certain insurgent attacks.

Almost from the beginning, some soldiers asked for additional protection to stop bullets from slicing through their sides. In the fall of 2003, when troops began hanging their crotch protectors under their arms, the Army's Rapid Equipping Force shipped several hundred plates to protect their sides and shoulders. Individual soldiers and units continued to buy their own sets.

The Army's former acting secretary, Les Brownlee, said in a recent interview that he was shown numerous designs for expanded body armor back in 2003, and instructed his staff to weigh their benefits against the perceived threat without losing sight of the main task: eliminating the shortages of plates for the chest and back.

Army procurement officials said that their efforts to purchase side ceramic plates have been encumbered by their much larger force, and that they wanted to provide manufacturers with detailed specifications. Also, they said their plates will be made to resist the stronger insurgent attacks.

The Marines said they opted to take the older version of ceramic to speed delivery. As of early last month, officials said marines in Iraq had received 2,200 of the more than 28,000 sets of plates that are being bought at a cost of about $260 each.

Marine officials said they have supplied troops with soft shoulder protection that can repel some shrapnel, but remain concerned that ceramic shoulder plates would be too restrictive. Similarly, they said they believe the chest and back plates are as large as they can be without unduly limiting the movement of troops.

The Times obtained the 3-page Pentagon report after a military advocacy group, Soldiers for the Truth, learned of its existence. The group posted an article about the report on its website earlier this week. The Times delayed publication of this article for more than a week until the Pentagon confirmed the veracity of its report. Pentagon officials declined to discuss details of the wound data, saying it would aid the enemy.

"Our preliminary research suggests that as many as 42 percent of the Marine casualties who died from isolated torso injuries could have been prevented with improved protection in the areas surrounding the plated areas of the vest," the study concludes. Another 23 percent might have been saved with side plates that extend below the arms, while 15 percent more could have benefited from shoulder plates, the report says. In all, 526 marines have been killed in combat in Iraq. A total of 1,706 American troops have died in combat.

The findings and other research by military pathologists suggests that an analysis of all combat deaths in Iraq, including those of Army personnel, would show that 300 or more lives might have been saved with improved body armor.

Military officials and defense contractors said the Pentagon's procurement troubles have stemmed in part from miscalculations that underestimated the strength of the insurgency, and from years of cost-cutting that left some armoring firms on the brink of collapse as they waited for new orders.

To help defeat roadside ambushes, the military in May 2005 contracted to buy 122 Cougars whose special V-shaped hull helps deflect roadside bombs, military officials said. But the Pentagon gave the job to a small firm in South Carolina, Force Protection, that had never mass-produced vehicles. Company officials said a string of blunders has pushed the completion date to June.

A dozen prototypes shipped to Iraq have been recalled from the field to replace a failing transmission. Steel was cut to the wrong size before the truck's design drawings were perfected. Several managers have left the firm.

Company officials said they also lost time in an inter-service skirmish. The Army, which is buying the bulk of the vehicles, asked for its trucks to be delivered before the Marine vehicles, and company officials said that move upended their production process until the Army agreed to get back in line behind the marines. "It is what it is, and we're running as fast as we can to change it," Gordon McGilton, the company's chief executive, said in an interview at its plant in Ladson, S.C.

On July 5, two former employees brought a federal false claims case that accuses Force Protection of falsifying records to cover up defective workmanship. They allege that the actions "compromise the immediate and long term integrity of the vehicles and result in a deficient product," according to legal documents filed under seal in the United States District Court in Charleston and obtained by The Times.

The legal claim also accuses the company of falsifying records to deceive the military into believing the firm could meet the production deadlines. The United States Attorney's office in South Carolina declined to comment on the case. The Marine Corps says the Justice Department did not notify it about the case until December.

Force Protection officials said they had not been made aware of the legal case. They acknowledged making mistakes in rushing to fill the order, but said there were multiple systems in place to monitor the quality of the trucks, and that they were not aware of any deficiencies that would jeopardize the troops.



From HERE


Harriet Miers, at the time staff secretary, is seen on Aug. 6, 2001, briefing President Bush at his ranch in Crawford, Texas.


Gee, August 6, 2001. I wonder what could be on the cover sheet of that memo Bush is pretending to read. Maybe it was, oh, I don't know...


BIN LADEN DETERMINED TO STRIKE IN US?



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